Shafaq News/ As Syria transitions from the Al-Assad regime to a new government under Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), women’s rights remain a point of intense concern. While HTS has pledged to prioritize education and female participation in governance, its troubling history of gender-based restrictions and controversial rhetoric raise doubts about its commitment to genuine reform.

HTS and Women’s Rights: A Troubled Legacy

Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), which emerged as a dominant force in northwestern Syria after the civil war, has a controversial history regarding women’s rights. Originally founded as Jabhat al-Nusra in 2012, the group distanced itself from ISIS and al-Qaeda, rebranding and shifting focus from global jihad to local governance. Despite these changes, HTS’s past policies on women remain troubling.

Under its previous iterations, women faced strict restrictions, including mandatory full-face veils and severe limitations on their movement, education, and employment. Forced marriages and gender-based violence were prevalent, creating an oppressive environment for women.

In recent years, HTS has sought to project a more moderate image. Its leader, Abu Mohammad al-Jolani, has highlighted improvements, such as over 60% of university students in Idlib being women. However, his recent actions, including requesting a woman cover her hair before taking a photo, have sparked controversy, with critics questioning HTS’s commitment to women’s rights.

While some saw the incident as a sign of plans for a stricter Islamist regime, al-Jolani defended his actions, calling it a matter of personal freedom.

“I didn’t force her. This is my personal freedom; I prefer to take photos in a way that suits me.” He said.

Despite efforts to project a more inclusive rhetoric, such as appointing Aisha al-Dabbas to lead the Women’s Affairs Office, HTS’s stance on women’s political participation remains a concern. Comments from HTS spokesperson Ubaida Arnaout, who suggested that women are unsuitable for key positions like in the Ministry of Defense, reveal the group’s conservative view on gender roles in governance.

Arnaout’s remarks about women’s roles in some state departments suggested that they are “unsuitable” due to their “biological and psychological nature.”

These actions, combined with HTS’s history of gender restrictions, fuel skepticism about the group’s true commitment to women’s rights.

HTS’s New Rhetoric: A Shift in Governance?

Political analyst Rabie Sha’ar believes much of the skepticism surrounding HTS stems from media campaigns. “There is a concerted effort to instill fear in Syrians and the international community about the new regime,” he told Shafaq News. “However, HTS today is more pragmatic and respectful of Syrian freedoms. For instance, 60% of students in Idlib’s universities are women, and they are increasingly involved in governance.”

Sha’ar also highlights HTS’s evolving attitudes toward women, noting their inclusion in social and political spheres. “This represents a significant departure from their earlier practices,” he adds.

Despite this optimism, activists remain uncertain about the next phase in Syria, particularly regarding women’s participation in the social and political arena.

A Painful Past and an Uncertain Future

Civil activist Najla Temo from the Komela Şawîşka Organization in Syria points out the diverse experiences of Syrian women across ethnic and religious communities. “Women’s realities vary widely due to Syria’s political and economic conditions and its ethnic and religious diversity,” she says to Shafaq News. “Under the previous regime, women experienced superficial freedoms enshrined in the old constitution but lacked practical empowerment.”

Temo points to systemic legal obstacles, such as laws governing inheritance, polygamy, and dowries, which hindered women’s progress. “While women engaged in education and small-scale employment, they remained constrained by patriarchal legal structures,” she notes.

“Although women participated in leftist political groups, they were often stymied by the male-dominated political environment and the repressive measures of the previous regime,” Temo explains.

Regarding the future, Temo expresses skepticism about significant progress under HTS. “Given HTS’s ideological roots and its ties to al-Qaeda, a breakthrough for women’s rights seems unlikely, particularly after Arnaout’s recent statements,” she says.

Activist Shams Antar, however, voices optimism. “Women are working to secure representation in the next government…They aspire to hold positions in all ministries, including the presidency, which was previously reserved for men under the old constitution.”

Antar also emphasizes the broader political awakening in Syria post-Assad. “For decades, politics was a forbidden domain, particularly for women. With the old regime gone, women are increasingly participating in drafting Syria’s new constitution,” she says to Shafaq News.

On the other hand, feminist activist Mona Abdul Salam reflects on women’s pivotal role in the Syrian revolution. “Women-led protests joined civil society initiatives, and raised awareness about human and women’s rights,” she says to Shafaq News. “Many were arrested, tortured, or killed for their activism.”

Abdul Salam also highlights women’s participation in armed resistance. “Kurdish and Arab women in northeastern Syria fought alongside men to defend their communities against ISIS and other extremist groups,” she says.

Looking ahead, Abdul Salam expresses hope for a more inclusive Syria. “Despite fears of HTS’s Islamic inclinations, I hope the next phase will build a cohesive society where women play a central role in decision-making.”

While HTS’s assurances of educational opportunities and female participation in governance offer hope, the underlying fears of continued repression remain. Whether the next phase of Syria's evolution will deliver on its promises for gender equality or revert to old patterns of exclusion is yet to be seen.